SWEDISH PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT                                     **              

Swedish Pentecostal Movement

"Sociological and Theological Factors in the Increase of Women Ministers in the Swedish Pentecostal Movement in the 1990s.

A Brief Analysis of the Debate about Women Ministers 1978-2000"

Speech Delivered at the Conference held by the Society of Pentecostal Studies

in Lakeland, March 16, 2002

A. The Christian Female Liberation Process in Sweden and Its Impact on the Church

In 1978 the debate on women in ministry, especially their right to eldership and pastorate, once and for all made its way into the Swedish Pentecostal Movement. Even if the polemic discussion on women and their ministry, which started in SPM by 1978, was not directly influenced by the intense and heated debate in the Swedish Lutheran State Church, indirectly the female liberation process was felt in Swedish society.

In 1920 when the women minister issue was brought up for the first time, the Swedish State Church disapproved of the idea of women ministers. The reasons were neither doctrinal nor theological. Instead, they were first of all based upon the rejection of the ideas which were the product of a secular society and its desire for equality between the sexes.

Church as a legal entity obeying the Parliament Law regulations, the battle was evidently unequal.

Therefore, when the debate flared up again in the middle of the 1940's the state used its position to put pressure upon the State Church. This time, even though it fought back as much as it could, the General Synod felt obliged to yield to the pressure which did not come only from the government. Other groups such as mass media, pro-feminist organizations, and even some influential members of the free evangelical church were involved in trying to convince the State Church to change its attitude towards women''s ministry. At the General Synod in 1958, the time had come to accept women ministers. At this time theological and exegetical aspects played a more dominant role for the the outcome of the decision-making process.

By the time when the first woman minister was ordained in the State Church of Sweden, several evangelical denominations already had women pastors working in their churches. Hence, it was not the State Church that was the first Christian group to accept a woman as pastor. This can be clearly seen from the following: The first woman minister ordained by the State Church was Margit Sahlin, in 1960. The Swedish Baptist Union ordained its first woman in 1951, the Swedish Mission Covenant in 1955, the ÖÖrebro Mission in 1960, the Holiness Union in 1965, and finally the Swedish Alliance Mission in 1968.

B. The Women Ministry in the SPM and Hermeneutics

If the debate on the female issues in the State Church was focused upon secular, egalitarian, and spiritual matters, the discussion in the SPM had a different approach. Instead, it was based on the infallibility and the inerrancy of the Scriptures. The question arose whether some of the biblical texts (in this case the Pauline problem-texts) could be literally applicable to all times and cultures. Or should these ad hoc documents, being influenced by local and particular conditions or situations, be contextualized or re-interpreted in order to make sense to modern society?

Thus, the main question was how the SPM would be able to deal with the relation between strict literalism and contextualization. If strict literalism would prevail in the interpretation of the Pauline problem texts (or similar biblical texts), then there would be very little place for a historical contextual approach. That would also seem to permanently tie the SPM to wooden dogmatism. The SPM would thereby continue to be a men-dominated movement, in spite of having been influenced by a considerable number of women evangelists and preachers at the initial stage of its history. More troublesome was the fact that, if the controversial discussions at the end of the 1970's had taken a conservative stance, especially concerning the interpretation of the Pauline problem texts, the SPM would have made it almost impossible for women to minister as elders and pastors. Many important subjects were at stake during these years.

The traditionalists or complementarians, unlike the egalitarians, were convinced that the Pauline texts referring to womens' ecclesiastical ministry were supposed to be literally applicable to all possible historical and cultural situations. During the initial phase of the debate, criticism was directed against such a view (contextual theology) even though there were a few pastors and evangelists who supported women pastors in the Swedish Pentecostal ranks. However, both sides agreed that at least a few biblical texts belonged exclusively to the time of the first apostolic church and its particular cultural and social settings. Such are, for example, "the holy kiss" or "foot-washing."

In 1978, when the debate on women's ministry in the SPM took a sharp turn, the SPM was one of the few evangelical denominations that had no women senior pastors. In 1979, Wasti Feldt published her book Kvinnan i frikyrkan (Women in the Free Church), in which she presented a "new" approach to the Pauline problem texts. In spite of the fact that she became the first women senior pastor in the SPM ´s history in 1980, it took another 15 years until pastors finally agreed to discuss the female issue in an annual Pastor''s Conference in Stockholm.

From the very beginning of this new women leadership process, there were two well- defined groups representing two different ways of perceiving the interpretation of the New Testamental texts. Among those who were opposed to old fundamentalistic traditionalists, it was possible to discern the embryo of an evangelical attitude in the SPM. This happened especially among leaders who shared a more broadened and open-minded view of the historical and cultural dimensions in the interpretation and the understanding of the biblical texts. Still, others were convinced that only a twisted meaning of the Pauline texts could make them fit into "the new interpretation." The conservative leaders argued that this new unconventional standpoint would lead the SPM to a more favorable acceptance of liberal theology. One well-known pastor bluntly said, "It is a sign of the last time."

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

a. Influences from the Holiness Movement and Fredrik Fransson

In order to get an idea of the spiritual and socio-historical forces that intervened and influenced the female liberation process in the SPM (and even in the Norwegian Pentecostal Movement), and its view on women's participation in the church ministries, it is necessary to go back to the 19th century. It was at that time that the holiness movement brought to Sweden a completely new attitude toward women and their ministry. The Holiness Union (HU), founded in 1885, had by 1890 one woman on its board. The reason for this openness to women ministers and evangelists was due to several factors.

First, even though the HU has its roots among the so-called "readers" from the province of Näärke, it was also indirectly influenced by the American holiness movement and Methodism, and their positive attitude towards women ministry. Secondly, a Swedish-American evangelist, Fredrik Fransson, came to play an important role in the acceptance of the women preachers in HU. Fransson was, according to Emanuel Linderholm, one of the most amazing, religious individuals who ever lived in Sweden. After having gone through an overwhelming salvific experience, he moved to America and got in touch with D. L. Moody and became later a member of his church. He studied Moody ´s evangelistic methods, which he also applied in his own ministry. His message was simple: he believed in an instantaneous salvation, holiness, healing by faith, and soon coming Christ. He is considered a pioneer of two Swedish denominations: the Holiness Union and the Swedish Alliance Mission. The reason why Fredrik Fransson is connected with the women ministry issue in Sweden at the end of the 19th century is because, in 1890, he wrote a booklet, Prophesying Daughters, in which he defended women ´s right to preach. Furthermore, in the Swedish Evangelical Free Church in the U. S., in which Fransson was one of the leaders, more than fifty ordained women pastors and evangelists appeared in the early record lists.

b. John Ongman

John Ongman, the founder of the ÖÖrebro Mission, was another influential advocate of the women preachers'' cause in the Swedish free church. He was born in Sweden in 1845. During the winter of 1864, he came into contact with the Baptist Movement and was baptized in water (in a hole made in a frozen Swedish lake). Later, Ongman joined the Myresjöö Baptist Church. In 1868, he emigrated to the U.S. and became the senior pastor in the first Swedish Baptist Church in Saint Paul, Minnesota. In 1890, he returned to Sweden and became the senior pastor of the First Baptist Assembly in ÖÖrebro. Later, in 1897, he broke his relationship with this congregation and founded a new Baptist church, the Filadelfia Church. In 1900, Ongman wrote a famous little booklet titled: Kvinnans räätt att föörkunna evangelium (Women ´s right to preach the gospel). The interesting thing is that Ongman''s book had practically the same title and content as Catherine Booth''s book which she wrote shortly before Ongman wrote his. This indicates that the Holiness Union, the Salvation Army, and the ÖÖrebro Mission were apparently the three denominations which, at the end of the 19th century, exerted the strongest influence on the SPM and its view on women''s church ministry.

In spite of the positive influences from both Fredrik Fransson and John Ongman, no one should draw the conclusion that it was an easy task for these "biblical feminists" to convince the older free church denominations and their leaders of women''s right to preach and witness in public. In the past, a society built upon patriarchical and male-dominated concepts, reacted negatively to women ´s newly won ecclesiastical freedom. Alf Lindberg, Pentecostal theologian in the SPM, contends that the women students who graduated from the Bible school of the Holiness Union were looked upon with suspicion and met rejection. It was unusual to see a woman preaching to men.

D. Lewi Pethrus and Thomas B. Barrat

Concerning women's ministry, the SPM and the Norwegian Pentecostal Movement (NPM) approached the issue differently. It is true that women in these movements were allowed to serve as evangelists from the beginning. It has also been pointed out that there is reason to believe that the majority of the evangelists in the SPM during the first decade were women.

In the NPM, T. B. Barrat decided to give women the right to be on the church board from the first year, 1916, when the Filadelfia Church in Oslo was founded. The bylaws of the Filadelfia Church in Oslo stated that women could be elected "menighetstjenerinner." That means that they held a position similar to a deaconess, and were automatically included in the leadership team of the church. Barrat''s wife, Laura, was one of them.

Barrat never went so far that he, officially, accepted women as elders or pastors. However, Martin Ski, once Barrat''s Associate Pastor, alleges that T. B. Barrat in his later years went further in his view on women''s leadership. He believes that T. B. Barrat confirmed his controversial view on women in a book, coming from his own pen.

The writing which Martin Ski referred to is probably the booklet which Barrat authored in 1933, in which he thoroughly analyzed the ecclesiastical role of women. Unfortunately, after Barrat''s death in 1940, the "menighetstjenerinner" disappeared from the board in Oslo, but women were still accepted as preachers and evangelists.

At the end of the 1970's, the debate flared up again and has been going on since then. What made the debate change direction was a book, Kvinnen fri til tjeneste (Women are free to minister), written by Ole Georg Hoaas and Oddvar Tegnander in 1984. The book builds its arguments upon sociological, theological, and exegetical aspects, giving full support to a female leadership. Oddvar Tegnander analyzed the Pauline texts on the basis of a historic contextual approach, in which the authors claim that the Pauline problem texts should probably be dealt with as limited to time and culture. This book shook the NPM and has since its publication appeared from time to time in the debate about women ministry Norway.

On the contrary, Lewi Pethrus took a different stand on the women leadership. Even though he accepted women evangelists and preachers, they were never allowed to be elders, senior pastors, or teachers. It took a long time for the first women teachers to appear in the SPM ´s Bible Schools.

Pethrus' view was representative for the great majority of the pastors and preachers in the SPM. From the beginning of the SPM until the 1970's, the acceptance of women senior pastors and elders was unthinkable. The Pauline problem texts, especially 1 Corinthians 11:3-11 and 1 Timothy 2:9-15, were interpreted literally which excluded any women leadership. One pastor even alleged that when women rule in church, it eventually goes wrong.

As was mentioned in the initial paragraph of this paper, it was in 1978 when the debate in the SPM became inflamed. Even though articles had occasionally appeared in the Pentecostal magazines before that, the year 1978 constitutes a milestone in the history of the women leadership in the Swedish Pentecostal. The female-debate started with an interview of Wasti Feldt in the popular Christian magazine Svenska Journalen. Later, the same year, Feldt tried to bring up the female issue in the Pastor''s Conference in Stockholm. However, she did not give up even though she failed. Feldt tried the same procedure in 1979 and 1980. Even though nobody wanted to discuss the issue, the direction for the future was set.

In order to sum up the women leadership process, it is important to point out that the issue had been discussed in a number of different Pentecostal schools, magazines, church-boards, and conferences. Especially, the Pentecostal daily Dagen and the weekly magazine Evangelii Häärold have, in spite of defending the conservative standpoint, been open to an inclusive discussion. Their attitude in dealing with this issue has played a decisive role in bringing this debate to an end without major conflicts. Another important role has been played by the national and the regional conferences, to which even the laity has had access. That means that a great part of the SPM has, in one way or another, been able to listen and determine whether the arguments related to women leadership were biblical or not.

E. Important Hermeneutical Concepts Involved in the Women Leadership Process

Now it is time to consider some hermeneutical and theological concepts, both from the complementarians' and the egalitarians' standpoints. These concepts had all a strong influence upon the women leadership process and its outcome. The most outstanding argument used by many pastors and teachers in SPM, in defense of the conservative standpoint, has been the "God''s pattern" concept. Therefore, it is important to analyze this concept in the light of a theological and hermeneutical perspective.

a. A Complementarian Concept: Gods Eternal Pattern

In order to understand the opposition launched against the "new interpretation," it is imperative that one keeps in mind what the majority of the Swedish Pentecostals mean when they refer to "God's pattern." In two articles, Alf Lindberg alleged that there is no such concept as "God's pattern" which for all times and situations constitutes an ecclesiological foundation for the Pentecostal churches. The New Testament, according to Lindberg, presents clear and indisputable evidences that the leadership and the structure of the first apostolic churches are somewhat different in their accent and focus. He compares the churches in Jerusalem and Antioch in their focus upon church life, missions, sharing of property, etc. The early church had to change its focus on government when it faced new situations. It is also seen in the collegia funeraticia (funeral associations), which the churches founded, especially in the larger cities like Rome, in order to be able to work freely as a religious group.

These articles met strong reactions from pastors like Daniel Wäärn and Carlo Johansson, who argued for an eternal "God's pattern." In a letter, Alf Lindberg explains that their reaction was due to a misunderstanding of his article. He was never opposed to an "ontological divine pattern," but he was opposed to an eternal, unchanging, judicial pattern of the local church. What is important here is to take a look at the concept and see how it relates to the women leadership process. In this analysis it will also be obvious how the complementarians and egalitarians differ on this issue.

In relation to the female debate, Wasti Feldt, Oddvar Tegnander, Ingvar Holmberg, and several other leaders in the NPM and the SPM, presented (at the end of the 1970sand the beginning of the 1980s) a contextual approach to the interpretation of the biblical texts. Because of the debate these document caused, people started to see the importance of the historical and cultural dimensions and its contribution to a greater understanding of women's role in church. As a result of this "awakening process," many came to question the very existence of an eternal "God's pattern," which had kept many women ministers away from many of the leadership positions in the SPM churches. In addition, the leadership in the SPM was gradually extremely men-oriented; it kept leaders, elders, and pastors from studying at theological seminaries, and from planting more than one church in each city. This means that this a priori concept eventually made up the foundation of the ecclesiastical approach in the SPM. In other words, "God ´s pattern" led to the conclusion that since it is an eternal, divine concept, so must also its parts be timeless and unchanging. It did not matter whether they referred to the very being (ontology) of the church or its forms and structures (phenomenology).

On the mission fields, the missionaries' reality was different. Churches were in constant need of making cultural and social adjustments in order to fit into religious and political conditions unheard of among the Swedish Pentecostal churches. Because of that, many Pentecostal women missionaries were invited to be on the boards or hold leadership positions on the fields. But back home in Sweden, they were just members.

The legacy from the 19th and 20th centuries'' referring to women and Christian ministry continued to repeat itself:  If women cannot carry out their calling at home, they have to do it on the mission field. This contradictory behavior signaled the lack of logic within the SPM and underscored the undeniable fact that the SPM had held an unsustainable and stiff leadership structure.

The interesting thing, however, is that a thorough study of the book of Acts, comparing it with the pastoral letters, reveals that the apostolic church made use of different leadership structures depending on the situation it was facing. Therefore, it should not surprise anyone to find both democratic and theocratic Christian communities in the New Testament. The reader will also find charismatic churches and more institutionalized churches in the New Testament. The New Testament evidently presents a church with a very pragmatic and flexible attitude towards its leadership structure. This means that the Word of God seems to give the church the option to make changes in its leadership structure whenever times and circumstances require. This is exactly what can be observed in some of the fastest growing churches on the mission field today.

b. Egalitarian Concepts

At this point of the analysis of the women leadership process, it is imperative to touch on and analyze a couple of different concepts used by the defendants of women elders or pastors: (1) the sociological approach, and (2) the redemptive and charismatic approaches. The first is based upon a deeper consciousness of the historical and cultural dimensions of the biblical text while the second approach will help to show how the Pauline problem texts can get the interpretation center from texts like Galatians 3:28 and Acts 2. The redemptive and charismatic approaches will let the redemption of Christ and the charismatic ministry of the Holy Spirit become decisive in the hermeneutical process.

1. The sociological approach

T. B. Barrat, in his booklet Kvinnens stilling i menigheten, contended that the prevalent situation in society was such that it was difficult for women to hold high positions both in community and church. He argued that if there was a case when a woman received God's call to minister (as pastor or elder), then the Spirit-filled members of the church (even men) would be able to recognize her call as a God-given call. It seems then, that Barrat interpreted the women leadership issue out of both charismatic and sociological perspectives. God, according to Barrat, could guide the believing community into decisions (if they favored the spread of the gospel) that would eventually go against established leadership forms and structures----a completely non-dogmatical approach. This gives the reader an idea of the open-mindness, pragmatism and flexibility of thought which prevailed among the first Pentecostal leaders in areas of leadership structures in many places. Barrat, for example, was a pragmatic leader who looked more to the spiritual functions than to the "letter." At the same time, he understood that it would be unwise to carry out major leadership changes in the churches if these would negatively affect God's work and the Gospel. That Lewi Pethrus, in his view of leadership, also gave proof of a pragmatic leadership approach has been accented in the Alf Lindberg's doctoral dissertation.

It is interesting to see that Barrat, in the 1930's, held the view that an understanding and an open-minded society was needed to implement the leadership changes in the Norwegian Pentecostal churches. In regard to women's ministry, it would have been counterproductive to the Pentecostal churches in Sweden and Norway to work for a greater female emancipation than the one which prevailed in the non-Christian society. This was probably one of the reasons why the apostle Paul had to keep women from getting into further problems with the patriarchic and male-oriented society. The apostle demanded women behave properly in accordance with the cultural and social rules of that time. In addition, we need to keep in mind that most women were neither spiritually nor mentally mature enough to become leaders of the local churches in the apostolic era.

Now, the relationship between cultural changes in society and the resulting openness and tolerance to women in leadership positions was something that was present from the very beginning of the female debate in Sweden. Later, the "sociological" approach became one of the stronger arguments for women's freedom.

Paul's way of handling the slavery issue showed a pragmatic attitude and a thorough understanding of the Word and its relationship to cultural changes and society. Slaves in the churches should accept freedom if that was a choice. The gospel was supposed to transform society from within, changing its value-system through a dynamic process, leading up to a peaceful transformation. Thus, in view of what has been said so far, it is easy to understand why women during so many centuries could not live out their Christian freedom without the support from an understanding society.

In this special case, when a few of the Pauline texts on women's ministry apparently contradict each other----comparing the following texts: Galatians 3:28-29; 1 Timothy 2:9-1; 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 and 1 Corinthians 14:26----it is necessary to be careful not to arrive at hasty conclusions. In other words, it is important not to misinterpret Paul through his letters. He did not change his views from time to time or succumb to the pressures from some "anti-feminist" or Jewish groups in the local churches. What is reflected in for example, 1 Corinthians 14 and 1 Timothy 2, are two completely different problems in the apostolic local churches, and they had to be dealt with distinctively. These texts are colored by values and customs taken from the apostolic era. Consequently, they cannot be literally transferred or applied to the modern church or society without due contextualization.

Ingvar Holmberg gives a reasonable explanation of the apostle Paul's handling of this difficult issue in a time dominated by patriarchical values:

God's Word is the preeminence of our faith. However, I believe we need to apply the holistic biblical overall view in the light of the perspective of our actual situation or circumstances, rather than just consider some specific texts which prohibit women from ruling over men or ministering as teachers. In the society of the early church there were reasons why people acted as they did. In our society, with our view of woman, there are no such problems.

The Christian church always needs to be sensitive, in order to feel the move of the people. God's church ought to be the head, have the initiatives in the areas of morals, ethics, and the ultimate issues. However, there are occasions when she needs to wait until the appropriate transformation of the environment or society has taken place. That change makes easier the acceptance of the church's message.

The women leadership is partially a cultural issue. To press forth an acceptance of womens' right to exercise authority, while people in general were neither emotionally nor mentally prepared for such radical changes, would have been unaccepted by society at large.

In order to underline the importance of people's preunderstanding in the interpretative process, Jonas Qvarsebo finds several socio-cultural and psychological arguments in the Swedish Pentecostal debate on women ministry that throw light upon both negative and positive reactions toward women and their access or non-access to the ecclesiastical "top-positions." In a comprehensive study he analyzes the articles published at two separate periods of time, 1978 and 1994, and shows how attitudes toward women ministry had change. The first year marks, as has been shown in this research document, the very beginning of the female debate and 1994 the culmination in the yearly Pastor's Conference in Stockholm.

In 1978 Qvarsebo finds three motives in the Swedish Pentecostal debate that kept women from the leadership. First, there was a group that believed that women should be considered compliments to men and not their leaders. This opinion was not always built upon theological motives but rather expressed the prevailing view among conservative Pentecostals. Another group which intervened in the debate argued that women's maternal feelings and tenderness excluded them definitely from the leadership ministries. Instead, a woman's natural maternal feelings made her apt to take care of children and therefore they were mostly limited to become "children's pastors." A third group which opposed to the liberation process portrayed women as weak and awkward. According to them, women had possessed a natural predisposition to feel insecure, nervous, and act without an innate authority. All three motives behind the rejection of women leader rested upon arguments found among traditionalist Pentecostal groups.

But even though the majority of the Swedish Pentecostals in 1978 held the same opinion, some people had a completely different attitude toward the liberation of women as leaders. The so-called egalitarians contended that since men and women were created equal before God, functionally and ontologically, the exclusion or inclusion, have nothing to do with gender, but with God's calling and women's natural and spiritual equipment.

In order to explain the way men have treated women in the SPM, Kerstin Samuelsson, in her B.Div. thesis, is using the Swedish historian Yvonne Hirdman's theory of the "gender-contract" to explain why men and women react the way they do on their jobs, in their love relationships, the way they talk, dress, etc. According to Hirdman all these reactions are the result of a dynamic process through which men and women learn how to behave themselves in society. Samuelsson states:

This knowledge has been transferred from one generation to another and is not innate. Mothers teach their daughters and fathers their sons . . . A structure of power is evidently built into this way of reasoning . . . The one that has the power is also the one that sets the conditions . . .but since women have lower status than men we must ask ourselves what part women have in this oppression . . . Women are co-creators and as integrated as men in this system . . . Hirdman says that she has observed that every society has a kind of gender-contract.

When applying this gender-contract on the SPM Samuelsson says:

Still there is no dialogue between the sexes. Men talk more about women than with women. Women prefer not to share their interpretation of the biblical texts and their experience. This has delayed and made the whole process more difficult both for women and men. Hirdman would have said that women have taken part in creating the situation in getting out of the way.

In 1994 things had changed radically. From a cultural and sociological standpoint it is interesting to see how the increasing pressure from women and groups within the SPM led to a complete turn-around. Even though there were still Pentecostals who shared the old, traditional opinions of a women''s exclusion, sixteen years of debate and studies brought a new attitude into the SPM. The conclusion that can be drawn from the articles in Dagen is that the lines of debates in 1994 had become more distinct, and the group which had argued for full equality constituted finally the majority of the Pentecostal pastors and leaders. As this author has shown in this paper a new approach to theology had been able to give new life to old Pauline problem-texts and contributed to the new and more open attitude toward women, but theology could not achieve these changes and goals by itself. The ground had to be prepared in order to make the most possible impact in people's mind and heart. This combination of theological sociological, psychological and cultural changes obviously helped the liberation process to get the kind of success it finally got.

2. The redemptive and pneumatic approaches.

Another argument employed by the egalitarians is based upon the idea that in order to catch the intention of the author, and the biblical message, one must start from an interpretative center of the Gospel, that is, from Christ and his redemptive work. As Klyne R. Snodgrass has stated, "Redemption and not the Fall, restoration and not condemnation, love and not sin," must make up the foundation for women and their participation in the church ministries.

It has been exciting to follow women elders and egalitarian pastors and their interpretations of such basic verses as Galatians 3:28-29. Now it is essential to the understanding of Paul's arguments concerning women and their ministry to clarify the difference between timeless principle texts and culture-bound ad hoc texts. Timeless principle texts are texts which are based upon absolute spiritual principles, which can be applied to any culture at any time. Ad hoc texts are documents which have been influenced by culture, and social values and need to be contextualized in order to become understandable to the modern mind. Therefore, it is imperative to know the reasons behind the Pauline problem texts in order to apply them correctly to people in the 20th century.

The egalitarians have contended that the text in Galatians 3:28-29 points to a clear, definite fact: No social, racial, or sexual walls of separation exist when dealing with man and his position before the Lord. On the contrary, texts such as 1 Timothy 2:9-15 and 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 need to be "decoded." Some women, because of their newly won freedom, acted and behaved in a way that put in danger the credibility and the future of the young apostolic church. Therefore, Paul had to intervene and call things back to order, and thus hinder a complete rejection from the non-Christian society.

It is important to notice that egalitarians and almost all women leaders have interpreted the text in Galatians 3:28-29 as an expression of liberation from spiritual, social, and cultural bondage. This interpretation differs from that of the complementarians who have limited these verses to refer to an equal, spiritual standing before God.

As to Galatians 3:28, the text is decisive in giving proper interpretation of women's ministry in church. Stanley Grentz states: "Egalitarians, in contrast, see Galatians 3:28 as the foundation for a new social order in the church. It is Paul's Magna Carta of Humanity, a charter of Christian equality." Another scholar, Klyne R. Snodgrass, says that "it is the most socially explosive text in the Bible." The evangelical theologian F. F. Bruce makes the following comment: "Paul states the basic principles here; if restrictions on it [women's ministry in the church] are found elsewhere in the Pauline corpus . . . they are to be understood in relation to Galatians 3:28, and not vice versa." Gretchen Gaebelein, in Woman, Authority & the Bible, spells it out well when she quotes what Jesus said in the Gospel of John and makes the following comments:

Now, even if the redemptive message points back to the cross, it is also anchored in the Day of Pentecost, because redemption without Pentecost is a truncated and an incomplete concept. The death and resurrection of Christ were not isolated events, but need to be dealt with in their context, in the light of God's purpose. The redemptive message can only fulfill its purpose of being a liberating message through the Holy Spirit and only the risen Lord had the authority to ask the Father to send the church the Holy Spirit as Comforter and Helper. Therefore, Pentecost builds upon Christ's redemption and proclaims the freedom implied in verses like Galatians 3:28-29. That also leads to the conclusion that pneumatic and redemptive texts stand forth as an interpretative center which throw light upon the Pauline problem texts.

Joel's prophecy was fulfilled through the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost. Both women and men began to speak in other tongues and prophesy. This happening became a sign and confirmation of a new era in which all human beings got the same freedom to serve God, on the same basis, and with the same gifts. The curse of the Fall had been replaced by full restoration through Christ, his death, and resurrection. Women and men finally stood at the same level both ontologically (as beings) and functionally. But the Holy Spirit does not only set people (regardless of social position, race or sex) free to minister according to their capacity, gifts, and calling. He also guides them in the interaction between text and interpretation, illuminating the reader in the interpretative process. Concerning the role of the Holy Spirit, F. L. Arrington argues:

But the Holy Spirit has also a place in the interpretative and the illumination process. The commonality of the experiences of the modern reader and the ancient author lies in their shared faith in Jesus Christ and their walk with the Paraclete whom he promised them. It is within the context of faith the Bible was inspired; therefore, it is within the context of faith that the Bible must be interpreted (My emphasis.)

Clark Pinnock says the following about the cooperation between the Holy Spirit and the reader:

There are two sides to hermeneutics. First, we listen to the text as God's Word in human language given to us, and second, we open ourselves to God's Spirit to reveal the particular significance the text has for the present situation. Interpretation involves a bipolar ellipse, and moves back and forth between the historical meaning of the Bible and our standing before God.

In the same context, Pinnock states:

My hermeneutical proposal is that we hear the Word of God in the interaction between the Word and the Spirit, not through Scripture alone. And not by meditation alone. This makes interpretation an art rather than a science or technique . . . It cannot be reduced to a set of rules (my emphasis).

It seems then, that the Holy Spirit, as a mediator of redemptive truths, guides the Christian in his reading towards spiritual freedom in order to release all the positive potentials which may be found in the human being, reflected in talents, spiritual gifts, and ministries. In this dynamic liberating process, the Holy Spirit helps the believer read the Bible with "redemptive lenses," always trying to glorify Christ, restoring God's image in men. Therefore, because of the constant interaction between reader, Scripture, and Holy Spirit in the midst of the believing community, believers are capable of sensing whether the interpretation of a particular text is limiting or increasing the possibilities of the Holy Spirit in their lives.

The verses in John 16:13-15 are still applicable to the Church today. There is a supernatural and mysterious cooperation between the Spirit, the Word, and the reader in the interpretation of texts. This synchronization cannot always be explained in rational terms on the basis of hermeneutical laws and principles.

F. Conclusion

There are several conclusions that may be drawn from the women leadership process in Sweden and in part from Norway.

First, within the various existing leadership paradigms in the SPM, more and more women are ministering as pastors, leaders, and deacons. It is no exaggeration to say that women have come to stay on the church boards and other leadership groups. They have already influenced the outcome and the success of these paradigms. Now, unlike men, their leadership profile is different. For example, they prefer the "soft" issues as important. Many women leaders prioritize family and relationship issues, such as pastoral care. It seems easier for women to heal broken relationships, and achieve reconciliation and forgiveness between adversaries than it is for men. Furthermore, they are probably less prestige-minded, and their soft and tender personality help board members in the analytical process in order to arrive at more appropriate decisions. Thus, women provide the leadership group with important gifts in areas where men have previously failed.

Secondly, in order to bring about such a delicate and far-reaching transformation of the leadership structure, it was important to involve as many members of the SPM as possible. National and regional conferences, bible study groups, magazines, and newspapers have been places where intense and interesting debates have taken place. On many occasions, the tension between complementarians and egalitarians has been notorious. However, in these cases the non-acceptance of women ministers has mostly come from elders, pastors, and older members. They have reacted in different manners and out of different motives. Some have confused Bible interpretation with biblical absolutes. Others have limited the interpretation of the Pauline problem texts to a strict literalistic approach. A third group has built their arguments upon a dogmatic interpretation of the "God ´s pattern" concept.

Thirdly, looking backwards, it is this author's conviction that such a transformation as the one which has taken place in Sweden would have been impossible to carry out with the limited consent of a small leadership group, such a national board. The participation of the members was absolutely necessary and imperative. In several of the classic Pentecostal Movements, it is quite obvious that women still have problem to be accepted as deacons, elders, or senior pastors. For example, in regard to a movement like Assemblies of God, it is well known that it has been difficult to carry out a thorough leadership change, in spite of a clear and official statement from the General Council in favor of letting women serve in all capacities. Beyond doubt, the debate in Sweden has accented and demonstrated the importance of taking into consideration the opinion of the whole believing community in order to carry out major changes in areas which affect important aspects of its spiritual life.

Fourthly, sociological and cultural factors have made it less difficult to make these far-reaching changes in the leadership paradigms. During the years 1978-2000 a considerable change of attitude towards women had taken place in the SPM. No longer they were considered "awkvard," weak, or looked upon only as a compliment to men. In the society women had also demonstrated that they were able to hold the same positions as men. The timing was right sociologically.

Fifthly, Social factors were not enough to turn the whole SPM around. Contextual theology became a decisive tool to unlock and disclose the theological meaning of the difficult Pauline problem-texts. In the search for a theological solution, the emphasis was placed on restoration and not upon the curse of the Fall. But even the pneumatic texts, such as Acts 2:1-5 and 1 Corinthians 12-14, with special accent on 1 Corinthians 14:26, have, as you have noticed, played an important role in the understanding of the difficult Pauline texts.

An interesting point is that this "liberation process" coincides in time with the new view on the local church concept in the SPM. With the arrival of the contextualization, it was easier to go beyond the plain meaning of the text in order to grasp what the New Testament authors really wanted to communicate. The consequence is that this novel interpretative method has influenced the reinterpretation of the biblical text which relate to leadership and church organization. At the present the SPM is gradually becoming a denomination, thus leaving the radical congragationalism behind.

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© 2005 Nils-Olov Nilsson. All rights reserved.