DISPENSATIONALISM AND ECCLESIOLOGY                XX 

IN THE SWEDISH PENTECOSTAL MOVEMENT

The SPM, as well as the AG, has since the very beginning shown an eager interest in eschatology. ⁽¹⁾ But in contrast to Pentecostalism in the United States, eschatology in Sweden never became a mandatory issue. Rather, as Lewi Perthrus remarked in his introductional comment to T. B. Barrat's book, Är Jesu återkomst förestående? ⁽²⁾ SPM has shown great tolerance and respect for other opinions on this issue. But in order to follow the historic development of eschatology in the SPM, it is necessary to start with Lewi Pethrus since his points of view influenced the SPM as long as he lived. The most logical would be to begin with his book Jesus kommer ⁽³⁾ (Jesus is Coming) written in 1912 and later proceed to analyze some of his articles written from the first twenty years. Finally, an analysis will be made of his controversial book Ny mark.

As to his very first book, Jesus kommer, it is clear that Pethrus had a good insight into dispensational thinking since the book reflects some of its most basic concepts. But when analyzing Jesus kommer, one must keep in mind that it is a compilation of a selected series of sermons, which Lewi Pethrus had given on Christ's Second Coming. ⁽⁴⁾ It is not a comprehensive study of the issue; nonetheless, the selection of sermons is interesting since it gives an idea of Pethrus' eschatological concepts.

A. Lewi Pethrus--Jesus Kommer

In the preface of the book, Pethrus declares his respect of the prophetic word. He says, "I am aware of the danger to take something away from the prophetic word or add something to it." ⁽⁵⁾ This solemn respect characterizes the whole book. That is the reason why it is not an exaggerated, polemic, or speculating document on an issue which has been very controversial. Instead, it is a very balanced writing far from the extremes. In order to get a sense of the influence of dispensationalism on Lewi Pethrus, this analysis will consider the following basic elements usually present in dispensational doctrines: The Pretribulational Rapture, the Great Tribulation, the Millennium, and the Judgment.

a. The Pretribulational Rapture

Pethrus, in typical pretribulational fashion, divides Jesusī second coming in two stages: the first, which is the coming for the church (the bride); the second refers to the coming with the church, who had previously married Christ in heaven. This last event is usually called the marriage of the Lamb. In the second phase after the conclusion of the Great Tribulation, Jesus descends from heaven and puts His feet on the Mount of Olives. ⁽⁶⁾ These phrases describe the church as a heavenly group, normally called the bride. ⁽⁷⁾ Because of this intimate relationship with Christ, she does not belong to this earth and its sufferings; she is already sitting in the heavenly places according to the Epistle of Ephesians chapter 1-2. With the rapture, the church's tension between the past and the future is over. She has achieved her dreams, namely to be with the Lord for ever. But unlike the typical Darbyist language and that of classical dispensationalists, Lewi Pethrus does not mention an imminent coming of the Lord. ⁽⁸⁾ It is true that he affirms that "Jesus comes soon," ⁽⁹⁾ and he says that "Godīs wrath can begin any time," ⁽¹⁰⁾ but that does not mean that he agrees with the Darbyist language.

It is clear that Lewi Pethrus, when it comes to the Rapture, deviates from classic dispensationalism. To him the rapture is rather a somewhat mid-tribulational rapture. ⁽¹¹⁾ Pethrus divides the Great Tribulation into two periods of time: the tribulation and God's wrath. Building his support from Revelation 3:10, ⁽¹²⁾ he says that "these words show that the saved will take part in the tribulation, since the text reads that he will save them "out of" the hour of temptation, which will come." ⁽¹³⁾ In addition, he remarks that "they [the saved] cannot be rescued out of the hour of temptation, if they will be snatched away, before He comes back." ⁽¹⁴⁾ Therefore, it will be at the end of the Great Tribulation when the world will have to go through the most severe tests. ⁽¹⁵⁾

In this connection it is important to point out other research on Pethrus and his eschatological (or maybe better apocalyptic) views. In an interesting doctoral dissertation, Carl-Erik Sahlberg has alleged that, as Pethrus became more and more engaged in social and political works, he left apocalyptic. ⁽¹⁶⁾ The reason according to Sahlberg is that apocalyptic is apolitical, and behind apocalyptic lies biblicism. ⁽¹⁷⁾ For the biblicism, so common at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, was characterized by another worldly spirit, which refused to accept the improvement of this age. ⁽¹⁸⁾ Influenced by the prophetic conferences and Darbyist thought, many argued that the world was coming close to its end, and nothing could stop the process.

The interesting thing here is that Pethrus' social and political activities must be taken as anti-dispensational. That means that Lewi Pethrus is not consistent in his dispensational thought, but deviates from it, if necessary. He is willing to adjust his eschatology to something that to some extent reflects postmillenialistic convictions. This becomes still more clear in his book Ny mark.

b. The Tribulation

According to classic dispensationalism, the Great Tribulation is a time of enormous destruction and suffering. It is a time of testing, especially for Israel which is then back in its promised land, which has been confirmed in many Old Testament texts. So, building upon Old Testament texts and referring to Israel as God's earthly people, Lewis Sperry Chafer cites Deuteronomy 4:29-30, Jeremiah 30:1-10, Daniel 9:27, 11:36-39 and other texts closely related to Israel's suffering. In the dispensational tribulation concept there is no room for the church in the Tribulation.

After having seen his moderate Darbyist approach, it is not a surprise to notice that Pethrus has a deviating opinion on the Great Tribulation and its relation to the church. He divides the Great Tribulation in two periods: the tribulation and God's wrath. ⁽¹⁹⁾ He contends that

the saved will participate in the tribulation . . . In that time it will cost something to be a Christian. Maybe you think that it costs you a lot to live for Christ now . . . but during the Tribulation it will be still more difficult to be a Christian. In that time Christian has to endure severe hardships." ⁽²⁰⁾ It is a time of tribulation for the whole world (both Christians and Jews), and it is during this time when Antichrist will reveal himself with the False Prophet. ⁽²¹⁾

Pethrus argues that during the last half of the Tribulation, the so-called God's wrath, God will judge the wicked world with powerful, destructive acts. ⁽²²⁾ Before that happens, "the king has brought His redeemed people into His chambers, and God's wrath will hit those who have disobeyed God's warnings, admonitions, and commands." ⁽²³⁾

c. The Millenium

Lewi Pethrus describes the Millennium in classical dispensationalist terms. It is a real physical kingdom, predicted by Christ and foretold in the Old Testament. ⁽²⁴⁾ The teaching of a kingdom was a part of Jesus' ministry, and the disciples believed that Jesus would establish his rule on earth. However, they failed to understand when it would become a reality. ⁽²⁵⁾ Pethrus advocates the teaching in Revelation that the conditions on earth at that time will be completely different from the present earth since Satan will be "chained" and will be unable to tempt mankind. ⁽²⁶⁾ Creation and earth have part in the glorified state of things, ⁽²⁷⁾ and infirmities and diseases are gone. ⁽²⁸⁾ In addition to that, "Israel will be saved," and "Christ and his saints will rule upon earth." ⁽²⁹⁾

d. The Judgment

When analyzing this concept, Pethrus does not stand forth as typical Darbyist. First of all, he omits any reference to Darby or the Scofield Reference Bible which was published in 1910. ⁽³⁰⁾ Neither is there a well-structured dispensational scheme, including the parenthetical period, when the church is taking Israel's place; nor does he use concepts like "a heavenly church," or "an earthly Israel" so typical in Darbyism. His interpretation of Revelation 3:10 also surprises the reader, since it seems like a post-tribulational approach. ⁽³¹⁾ Other typical dispensational issues that Pethrus omits are the whole series of judgments which normally fill the dispensational literature. ⁽³²⁾ Instead, he mentions only the judgment before the White Throne. ⁽³³⁾ In connection with the White Throne, he interprets the outcome of the judgment in non-dispensational terms. Pethrus comments:

In the last resurrection also the newborn souls will resurrect, people who have their names in the book of the Lamb. The saved during the Millennium will participate in this resurrection, but they will not be condemned, they will be put on the right hand of the Lord. Like the wheat they will be brought into the barn. ⁽³⁴⁾

These words are obviously non-dispensational since classic dispensationalism sees the White Throne as a final judgment upon the wicked and rebellious people, especially those from the Millennium. In his study on the White Throne, Pethrus asserts that the church at that time is already with the Lord and will not go through the White Throne judgment. But strangely enough, he does not even touch the "bema" concept. Instead, he uses the text in Matthew 25:31-46 and Matthew 13 to be fulfilled in the White Throne judgment. ⁽³⁵⁾ It appears that Lewi Pethrus held very moderate dispensational convictions, and never went to extremes in any of his teachings. ⁽³⁶⁾

Before getting to a conclusion on Lewi Pethrus eschatology and its possible influence on his ecclesiology, it is necessary to add some of his later writings on this theme. ⁽³⁷⁾ When going through the issues of Evangelii Härold during the first fifteen years (1915-1930), one sees that eschatology was not one of the most important themes coming from Lewi Pethrus' pen. It is possible that he had decided to hold a low profile on the teaching of the last things. But even though he considered the Second Coming as one of the most important topics in theology, he also argued that there were many difficult interpretative matters linked to eschatology. That is possibly one of the reasons he preferred to let everyone have his or her own personal opinions.

Nonetheless, Pethrus taught on "The Judgment Seat of Christ." ⁽³⁸⁾ The tone in these articles comes close to classic dispensationalism and places the church in heaven during (part of?) the Tribulation period. In this same period, namely in 1923, Pethrus writes some very extensive articles on Israel and its place in the present "oikonomía." In typical dispensational manner, he advocates the view that God is dealing with two peoples, Israel and the Church. As to Israel's present role, in the Heilgeschichte, Pethrus states: "Its task as people has still not been completed. During the time which still belongs to the future, the Jewish people will play an important role when God will fulfill his plan with mankind." ⁽³⁹⁾ He refers to the literal fulfillment of the prophecies in the Old Testament and the future salvation of the whole nation of Israel. ⁽⁴⁰⁾ But it is only when God has raptured the church that He will restore the nation completely. ⁽⁴¹⁾ What Pethrus observes happening to Israel (in 1923) is only the preparation of the restorational work. ⁽⁴²⁾

In addition to these documents, Pethrus also penned two articles on the church as the bride, motivating the Pentecostals to live a pure life while waiting for Christīs return. ⁽⁴³⁾ On another occasion, at the beginning of the 1930s, Lewi Pethrus wrote on the time of Jesus' Coming. ⁽⁴⁴⁾ In this last document, he does not touch Darbyism, alleging that Jesus can come "any time." Instead, Pethrus argues that "Jesus' coming is near;" the signs are pointing to the fact that He will come back in the near future.

B. C. A. Chader--God's Plan and D. O. Belfrage--Daniel's Prophecies and the Book of Revelation

During the 1930's, both in the United States and Sweden, teachers with huge charts visited the churches and exposed God's plan with the world and with God's people. One of these teachers was C. A. Chader, a former missionary in India and Baptist pastor in Canada and the United States. His book, Guds plan genom tidsåldrarna, ⁽⁴⁵⁾ was printed in five revised editions for a total of 12,000 books. In his visits to the many Pentecostal churches in Sweden, he brought his huge multicolored wall-chart with him. It measured 8,17x3 meters, and embraced a detailed, dispensational plan for God's people and the world. According to the introduction, the book represented more than 40 years of reading and learning from the Bible. ⁽⁴⁶⁾ Chader's popularity was partly due to the increasing interest in eschatology and apocalyptic caused by the World War II. ⁽⁴⁷⁾ When C. A. Chader died, a Swede, Daniel Belfrage, bought his wall chart and later published a book, Daniels Profetior och Uppenbarelseboken: En kommentar till C. A. Chader's plansch "Guds plan genom tiderna," ⁽⁴⁸⁾ which was an eschatological exposition of Chader's wall chart.

These two books, almost identical in essence, are very much dispensational in their outlines and content. For example, Chader's book contains not seven dispensations, as in Scofield's Bible, but eight. ⁽⁴⁹⁾ It recommends strongly Scofield's Bible as a "masterpiece of deep insight in all the doctrines of the Bible, viewed from an evangelical, biblical, and pre-millennial perspective." ⁽⁵⁰⁾ In typical dispensational fashion each dispensation ends in man's failure to submit to God's rulership. This is the reason why God starts all over again with a new dispensation and new challenges for God's people.

Another dispensational characteristic is the marked difference between the church and Israel. The former comes in as a parenthesis while "God's purposes with Israel are put aside, and the gospel of salvation, based upon their rejected Messiah, is preached throughout the whole world." ⁽⁵¹⁾ The difference between Israel and the Church is clearly seen in the description of the Great Tribulation and the Millennium. During the former, the body of Christ is in heaven facing the judgment seat of Christ. After that comes the marriage of the Lamb. ⁽⁵²⁾ This is also the period when Israel (and even the saved who do not worship Antichrist) has to undergo the most torturous suffering. ⁽⁵³⁾ Other dispensational features are the judgment of the sinners at the white throne, the judgment of the nations; and similar to the early dispensationalists, the seven churches in Revelation 2-3 are considered as distinct periods of the church history. Finally, in order to make everything fit into the dispensational schemes, both books use the literal interpretative method.

C. Oscar Haglund and Biblisk Tidskrift

During the 1920s, a Pentecostal magazine, Biblisk Tidskrift, edited by Oscar Haglund, advocated Darbyist eschatological concepts. In its first year there were several articles built upon dispensationalism and its concepts which were derived from the Scofield Bible. For example, the history of the earth dates from 4,000 B.C.; Oscar Haglund contends that between Genesis 1:1 and Genesis 1:2 the universe went through a catastrophe, but was restored in Genesis 1:3. ⁽⁵⁴⁾ In an unsigned article (possibly from Oscar Haglund's pen), the author also follows the dispensational interpretation of the seventy year-weeks in Daniel; ⁽⁵⁵⁾ when it comes to the White Throne, the author calls it a resurrection to judgment or the resurrection of the wicked. ⁽⁵⁶⁾ In a very speculative article Albert Hjort, a Master of Engineering from Norway, views the distribution of electricity in Palestine as a fulfillment of Zechariah 14:7 and argues that Ezekiel 47:8,10 refers to ponds for fish-breeding, etc. The literal meaning is here used to its extremes. ⁽⁵⁷⁾ In typical dispensational fashion, the author advocates that there is salvation during the Tribulation period, ⁽⁵⁸⁾ and there is a marked difference between the kingdom of heaven and God's kingdom. ⁽⁵⁹⁾ In an interesting article, Paul Ongman ⁽⁶⁰⁾ makes use of a great amount of dispensational concepts, such as "the times of the gentiles," the church as a "parenthesis," and "the church reigning from heaven while Israel becomes God's instrument on earth." ⁽⁶¹⁾ In view of these examples--to which could be added many more--it is obvious that Biblisk Tidskrift became a Pentecostal messenger and proclaimer of dispensationalism.

In the same year that Oscar Haglund became the chief editor of Biblisk Tidskrift, he also published a book, Kristi tillkommelse och världsfulländningen. ⁽⁶²⁾ Since it was published through Biblisk Tidskrift Publishing House, owned by the Filadelfia Church in Stockholm, the content reflects, at least on the basic points, the ideas of the majority of the SPM. It becomes obvious that it also may be one of the most comprehensive books on dispensationalist eschatology ever written in the SPM.

The first chapter starts with Satan and evil. ⁽⁶³⁾ This is certainly an interesting beginning, giving the book a sense of dispensational pessimism. ⁽⁶⁴⁾ Maybe that was exactly what Haglund wanted since the next chapters deal with Israel and God's plan with His people during "the time of the Gentiles." This period is characterized by God's intervention in favor of the church and Israel, against the power of Satan. ⁽⁶⁵⁾

Oscar Haglund gives the reader an exciting and vivid description of how God rules over His creation, in spite of all evil angels and spirits that try to oppose God's plans. According to Haglund, God works on two levels: First, he tries to reduce the influence of Satan and his followers through catastrophes such as the Flood, and the event at Babel, where God separates people from each other through breaking the one language into several new languages. He also judged Sodom and Gomorrah, exterminated the Canaanites, and carried out other similar judgments. ⁽⁶⁶⁾ Second, God not only sends catastrophes, He also keeps the remnant safe and protected through the centuries.

When it comes to Heilgeschichte, one may observe typical dispensational features, such as the discontinuity of the people of God in Israel and the Church, ⁽⁶⁷⁾ the interpretation of Daniel and the four world-reigns, ⁽⁶⁸⁾ the Church as a parenthetical people of God, ⁽⁶⁹⁾ the seventy weeks in Daniel, ⁽⁷⁰⁾ the pretribulational rapture, ⁽⁷¹⁾ the difference between God's Kingdom and the Kingdom of Heaven, ⁽⁷²⁾ the Great tribulation, ⁽⁷³⁾ the judgments, ⁽⁷⁴⁾ the pessimism, ⁽⁷⁵⁾ and a physical and political Millenium. ⁽⁷⁶⁾ This book draws upon Scofield and his comments on the biblical text. ⁽⁷⁷⁾

During these first years of the SPM, most of the eschatological issues were settled. Dispensationalism became the unofficial doctrine of the SPM. Other teachers such as Herlog Gideonsson, Kjell Sjöberg, and Egon Sandström did not share the classic dispensational view (they represent posttribulationalism, evangelical premillenialism, and church-historical interpretation) but were not able to overshadow the strong influence of dispensational eschatology. During the last decade, it is possible to notice a kind of "indifference or insecurity" in the area of eschatology. The young people don't know what to think or what approach to take. Many of the younger pastors seldom teach on the Second Coming of the Lord; and when they dare to address the issue, they mostly speak in general terms.

D. Lewi Pehtrus-- Ny Mark

a. Introductory Words on Pentecostalism and Politics

The ecclesiology of the SPM is a blend of dispensational thought and concepts and Baptist congregationalism. Dispensationalism, with a marked apocalytic frame, made the SPM for years an apolitical sectarian movement. ⁽⁷⁸⁾ During the first 30 years the engagement in issues related to society was mainly limited to charity. ⁽⁷⁹⁾ In order to prove his point, Sahlberg presents an interesting argument, namely, that "the free church, the 'small group,' or the sect, has the ambition to be a perfect society . . . and it wants to bring about that which the secular society is unable to accomplish." ⁽⁸⁰⁾ That was exactly what happened in the United States, a country which to such a great extent was characterized by voluntarism and denominationalism. ⁽⁸¹⁾ In Sweden, with a constant confrontation between the Swedish society and the sect, a utopian achievement was completely impossible. ⁽⁸²⁾

During the 1920s, the SPM's sectarian attitude also led to a special focus on its own life-style, resulting in members that showed very little interest in the secular area. ⁽⁸³⁾ It is important to state, though, that "political" did not refer to a total lack of interest in the Swedish society. On the contrary, Pentecostals were supposed to support changes that favored justice and righteousness. Therefore, "apolitical" was a term that normally contained two opposite poles: one positive and one negative. In other words, Pentecostals should submit themselves to the Swedish authorities and laws as long as they did not violate their conscience; but, this attitude did not necessarily mean that they should become members of a political party. ⁽⁸⁴⁾

Undoubtedly, during the time-period referred to earlier, most of the Pentecostals in the SPM had a decided apolitical conviction. This can be seen in their approach to the secularization of the Swedish schools. They did not feel moved enough to challenge the society. Instead, the dechristianization, or the rejection of biblical principles, became in the eyes of the Pentecostals a sign that Christ would return very soon. ⁽⁸⁵⁾ This is an example of a typical Darbyistic pessimism.

In Biblisk Tidskrift, Oscar Haglund, the chief-editor, promoted a classic, dispensational view, which is reflected in the following words in an article from the end of the 1920s and was probably shared by most Pentecostals during the 1920s. ⁽⁸⁶⁾

When Christ walked on this earth, all the social problems--slavery, alcoholism, prostitution, the mighty's oppression of the poor--were worse than ever before. In order to remedy that, He gave the world one message: the gospel; one instrument: the new birth; and one power: the Holy Spirit in the Church. The best way, through which a pastor can assist people in need . . . is to humble himself before God, leave his sin, be baptized and filled by the Spirit, and preach a pure gospel in warmth and love. ⁽⁸⁷⁾

During the 1920s and after two journeys to Palestine, Pethrus began to show an increased interest in the Jewish people. ⁽⁸⁸⁾ Together with most Pentecostals, Pethrus defended their right to return and live in the country. He argued strongly that Palestine belonged to the Jews. His sympathy with the Jewish people was characterized by "strong apocalyptic motives." ⁽⁸⁹⁾ During his journey to the United States in 1924 and the comments published in Evangelii Härold, how he viewed the foreign policy through apocalyptic lenses became clear. ⁽⁹⁰⁾

It seems, then, that the SPM in the1920's was characterized by an a-political approach. Sahlberg even points out that "the development of the Swedish society inspired the Movement, not to political, but to apocalyptic considerations." ⁽⁹¹⁾ The changes of attitude to politics and an increasing interest in societal issues would come later at the end of the1930s or the beginning of the 1940s.

b. Lewi Pethrus and Politics

Sahlberg contends that it is highly probable that Lewi Pethrus, at the end of the 1920s, differed from the majority of the SPM when he cautiously began to consider the progress of the society with a political perspective. In his book I bibliska farvatten, written in 1927, he expressed, for the first time, the commencement of a consciousness on societal issues. ⁽⁹²⁾

Contrary to some of his statements in the 1920s, Pethrus, in his later years, became very interested in, and committed to politics, and in its possibility to influence the Swedish society positively. At that time Sweden was on a moral downward trend, and something urgently needed to be done. That is also the reason why Pethrus promoted the establishment of the KSA--Kristet Samhälls Ansvar ⁽⁹³⁾-- in 1956 and KDS ⁽⁹⁴⁾--Kristen Demokratisk Samling--in 1964. Both became platforms for Pethrus to further political activities and led the Pentecostals to a deeper consciousness of the possibilities of a more powerful influence in the Swedish society. But Pethrus' commitment to politics did not start there. It began earlier in the 1930s.

Already in 1935 in an article in a Swedish newspaper, Pethrus is supposed to have stated that "If one is a warm-hearted Christian, he is committed to his spiritual work, and we all know that warm-hearted Christians ought not to get involved in politics." ⁽⁹⁵⁾ The strange and the inexplicable thing is, that some months earlier, he was elected to represent Bondeförbundet ⁽⁹⁶⁾ in the District of Fresta. Since he left the political work just after a few months, he needed to explain this incongruent action. In an article ⁽⁹⁷⁾ he stated that he could not continue with his political activity, since he did not have time. ⁽⁹⁸⁾ But in all probability, Pethrus abandoned politics because he had received criticism, either from the SPM, or from his own church. ⁽⁹⁹⁾ In his introductional speech to his first short term, Pethrus said:

The Bible has taught me that a Christian cannot avoid his obligations towards the society . . . I mean that a Christian must fulfill his duty toward the society and vote for one of the political parties that on its program, does not seem to be an enemy of the Christendom. ⁽¹⁰⁰⁾

Even though Lewi Pethrus quickly abandoned his political obligations at Fresta, at the time of his resignation, he continued his political engagement by participating in a political manifestation, sponsored by the free-thinkers from Folkpartiet. ⁽¹⁰¹⁾ It is not an understatement to say that his vivid interest in politics showed to be a real sensation. It was not difficult to anticipate the consequences: Pethrus' political acts became the topic of debate of most of the newspapers in Stockholm. Sahlberg argues that in 1944 the moment arrived for Pethrus to step forward, showing a new and deeper political consciousness. ⁽¹⁰²⁾ At the same time he launched Den Kristne, a new Pentecostal monthly magazine, which was supposed to publish those articles that found no natural place in the Evangelii Härold. The latter, being the leading weekly Pentecostal magazine, was mostly committed to more edifying and evangelistic questions. For that reason, Den Kristne ought to reflect the Movement in its relation to the world and the society. ⁽¹⁰³⁾ This new approach, a more critical attitude toward the society, was also seen at the National Conference in Kölingared, 1944. There, in one of his interventions, Pethrus said: "To a Christian, there is no contradiction between spiritual and practical work. However, we need holy, and spiritual people if we are going to achieve something." ⁽¹⁰⁴⁾ These words were expressed in a context where Pethrus urged the members of the SPM to get involved in the political life. He also remarked that if a pastor feels called to leave his ministry for a political engagement, the SPM should not despise him, as if his new call and motives were not pure enough. In his sermon titled "Give to Caesar what is Caesarīs," delivered in the Filadelfia Church in September the same year, Pethrus was still more precise in his message. According to the sermon, the Christian's task was to stop the moral decay. Pethrus stated that "Our country is more and more in danger to become dechristianized . . . We should not only pray. We need to make use of our civil rights." ⁽¹⁰⁵⁾ This speech was later published as a booklet. The battle against the dechristianization and the moral decay, become two of the most important questions for Pethrus' in his political commitment. ⁽¹⁰⁶⁾

Since general elections were held the same year, this event fit very well into Pethrus' newly awakened political interest and schemes. In an article in Evangelii Härold, he urged the Pentecostals to vote in favor of two free-thinkers and members of the Filadelfia Church in Stockholm: Ernst Pettersson and Per Jacobsson. ⁽¹⁰⁷⁾ Even though these men were not elected, Pethrus did not give up. This is easily seen by reading the written reports from the Preacher's Conference in December, 1944, in which the delegates discussed the "dissenter"issue. ⁽¹⁰⁸⁾ In order to achieve a proper follow-up of the issue, the pastors authorized the Filadelfia Church and an elected committee to watch very closely the development of this issue. ⁽¹⁰⁹⁾ In addition to what has been said so far, the delegates at the Nyhem Conference the next year turned to the Minister of Justice with a request: Dance-instruction should not be part of the schooleducation, and public dance should not be arranged by the local government and sponsored with local taxes. ⁽¹¹⁰⁾ It is obvious then, that the SPM after the first 30 years had matured and dared to bring up on its agenda many societal issues for discussion. From then on, political activity was not looked at as something unbiblical but rather as a civil right which should be respected by everyone.

With Dagen in his hands, Pethrus was able to control the debate on societal issues, morals and ethics. From 1945 until his death, Dagen continued being an apolitical newspaper. However, to a great extent it continued to reflect Pethrus' political convictions and that of many Pentecostals. In this way, Dagen became an important platform from which Pethrus could expose his thoughts, influencing and motivating the SPM to become the Christian body which until now was the greatest supporter of the KDS. With this summarized background of both Lewi Pethrus and the SPM, it is time to take on the analysis of Ny mark.

c. Ny mark

The first book Lewi Pethrus authored was titled Jesus kommer and dealt with the Second Coming of Christ, presented in an apocalyptic frame. Since nobody wanted to publish it, he felt obliged to start his own publishing house in order to launch it into the market. ⁽¹¹¹⁾ At the moment of writing Ny mark, the moral and religious situation was deteriorating in the Swedish society, and nothing seemed to stop the negative development. Therefore, Pethrus felt compelled to write a new book. The purpose was to motivate the active and committed Christians to step out of their silence ⁽¹¹²⁾ and fight for a moral change in the society ⁽¹¹³⁾ against the indifferent religiosity and atheistic influences. But since the book dealt with some very delicate issues, Pethrus, even this time, preferred to publish it himself. ⁽¹¹⁴⁾

The interesting thing about this document is that it takes a firm stand in favor of the Christian's political engagement. ⁽¹¹⁵⁾ Pethrus is very straight in his formulations and argues that "We need to work in the political parties." ⁽¹¹⁶⁾ The reason behind this statement is clear: he is strongly convinced that "Christendom is a positive factor when it comes to building the society." ⁽¹¹⁷⁾ But Pethrus is not a fanatic in the sense that he believes that Sweden, through the influence of the living Christians, should be changed into a Christian state. ⁽¹¹⁸⁾ Sweden can never, in a new-testamental sense, be transformed into something like a "Christian church." ⁽¹¹⁹⁾

According to Lewi Pethrus (at the time of writing Ny mark), Sweden was experiencing a downward moral trend, and something had to be done. Sweden was being dechristianized through what seemed to him be a well-planned strategy, ⁽¹²⁰⁾ from atheists, the Social Democratic Party, and through the ignorance and "the tolerance" of an institutionalized church. ⁽¹²¹⁾ This "corruptive" moral state was also the basic reason Pethrus became one of the promoters of the only Christian political party in Sweden, the so-called KDS--Kristdemokratisk Samling (The Christian Democratic Party). But the following questions had to be answered: Why was it necessary to start a completely new Christian party? Why not work through the existing political parties? When Pethrus observed the work and results of the Christian parliamentarians, he noticed that they were very much in the hands of the political parties and their programs. ⁽¹²²⁾ Many times the motions coming from these Christians were neutralized, ⁽¹²³⁾ or the motions ended up in something that more or less was opposite to what they first intended. ⁽¹²⁴⁾

Pethrus knew that the Swedish state could not become transformed into a "church." In this sense Pethrus was very realistic. But the Christians could act "prophylactically"; that is, their acts could prevent Sweden from falling into a deeper sinful state, especially the younger people and the families who needed an active church which defended morals. ⁽¹²⁵⁾ The church must be the salt of the world; it has to work actively to stop the ongoing corruption; ⁽¹²⁶⁾ and it must stand forth as the "spiritual salt," which keeps society from "putrefaction." ⁽¹²⁷⁾ In this task the Christian politicians are able to play an important role in order to stop the evil and the undemocratic attacks on the Swedish families. Especially at a time when the parliamentarians ought to be role-models--even though they acted the opposite way--the Christians, through their lives, were able to point to a higher moral standard and become a good example to the younger generation. Pethrus claimed that it was important to let the "the young people know about the Christendom's preventive power," ⁽¹²⁸⁾ and he was convinced that the knowledge and the recognition of this power would mean a lot to the people. ⁽¹²⁹⁾ Therefore, it is understandable that Pethrus rejected the idea that the Christians should only work upon their salvation and not take part to solve the problems of the society. ⁽¹³⁰⁾

In the last chapter, Pethrus makes some startling remarks. For example, he says that it is high time for the Christians to step out and break a new way. For if it only depended on our prayers, we would already have a thorough-going revival which would transform the society. This sentence made Sven Ahdrian, leader in the Smyrna Church in Gothemburg, doubt that this was what Pethrus had written or intended. ⁽¹³¹⁾ But this was not the only clause in the book that was surprising. Pethrus also argued, "During the last 20 years it has become obvious that the development in our country, in the spiritual and the moral areas, cannot be arrested only through the church-life and the preaching." ⁽¹³²⁾

What had happened to Pethrus? Had he lost the confidence in the church, the preaching, and the prayers? Not at all. If one dare to guess why Pethrus wrote the way he did, it is possible that he, like the apostle James in the New Testament, wrote to the "hearers" among the Pentecostals who were afraid to act out their faith. In spite of what happened in the Swedish society, the Pentecostals had learned to stay within the churches' locked doors. On the opposite side, there were also those believers in the institutionalized churches, or the old free churches, who became so involved in politics that they forgot whom they ultimately served. Therefore, the society needed praying and acting Christians, even within the political parties. Faith and work could go hand in hand, according to Lewi Pethrus. That is also the reason why there cannot be any contradiction between Christians in politics and Christians in prayer meetings. They can do both. Through the presence of true Christians in the political parties, the latter constitute a platform from which the Christians may act out their ethical and moral convictions to the masses.

When analyzing this new openness, some scholars see a change of focus in Pethrus' eschatology. That is, it seems that he kept some basic features of Darbyism and added a postmillenialistic touch to his eschatology. This shows that he gained more confidence in the believers' possibility to influence their society and environment. The eschatology became more anthropocentric.

To an experienced, academic theologian used to systematic thinking, this mix of post- and premillenialism would reflect lack of a systematic coherence. ⁽¹³³⁾ But because of Pethrus' pragmatic approach, it was no problem for him to let his eschatology be marked by a sort of "eclectic eschatology." He let his view be led by both postmillenialism and mid-tribulational millenialism.

d. The Influence of Dispensational Thought on Ecclesiology in the SPM

Now it is time to raise the following question: Did Darby in any way influence SPM's ecclesiology? In order to answer that question it is important to go back to the early dispensationalism and see whether there are similarities with the SPM's view. Firstly, this paper has stated that Darby contends that the Church was in ruins. Darby means that ministry has become a worldly ordinance in which a clergyman is a minister irrespective of any grace or gift. It seems, then, that Darby, among other causes, saw the clergy as a stumbling block for spiritual growth. ⁽¹³⁴⁾ The lack of a spiritual leadership had also led the church into unholy relations with unbelievers and non-biblical structures and organizations. ⁽¹³⁵⁾ These denominational barriers make members "meet as members of a parish, not as members of Christ." ⁽¹³⁶⁾ The denominational "unity" has also "led to division and disunity." ⁽¹³⁷⁾ Darby strongly argues that the institutional church is not owned by the Holy Spirit any longer; rather, it "has laid aside the workings of the Spirit and replaced them with a human system, which does not recognize the action of the members of the body." ⁽¹³⁸⁾ Darby, in typical dispensational manner, rejects any effort to improve the church in ruins since he holds that "all efforts to repair the ruins are not only sinful but quite beyond the strength of the churches." ⁽¹³⁹⁾ But why is John Darby so interested in refusing to work for a spiritual improvement of the Church? The answer is clear: "God has never restored a fallen dispensation." ⁽¹⁴⁰⁾ The only thing that remains then, according to John Darby, is to "withdraw from all religious societies called 'churches' and to meet 'in the name of the Lord Jesus'--to call together the true assembly of God." ⁽¹⁴¹⁾

Darby emphasized the local church, stating that there cannot be a universal church in its literal sense. Each assembly is an autonomous local congregation with its own administrative privileges. It answers only to the rule of the Holy Spirit. ⁽¹⁴²⁾ After these very "Pentecostal arguments," Darby says that there is no such thing in Scripture as a central authority having jurisdictional control over a group of churches." ⁽¹⁴³⁾ But even though the assemblies are not bound to each other in a union based on bylaws and creeds, there is a unity in fellowship, which is based upon "mutual obedience to the Word coming through the guidance of the Holy Spirit." ⁽¹⁴⁴⁾

But what does this autonomy mean? First, Darby makes an interesting statement when he claims that "each assembly, however, is independent in government only, not in existence as the sole body of Christ, for each assembly compromises the body of Christ." ⁽¹⁴⁵⁾ This means that the individual assembly represents the whole assembly of God and is, therefore, perfect in itself. Secondly, the unity of the church can, according to Darby, only be achieved through a spiritual relationship ⁽¹⁴⁶⁾ between all the churches that come together in Jesus' name, and in which the Holy Spirit is present in the believers and in the assembly. "Only as the church is established in unity, it is able to become the dwelling place of God." ⁽¹⁴⁷⁾

To Darby, the unity has a positive and a negative side. Positively, the church is united in Christ; negatively, it is separated from the devil. ⁽¹⁴⁸⁾ According to Clarence Bass, Darby held the idea that "ecclesiastical evil occurs when the church abandons the true principles instituted by God and becomes preoccupied with human organization." ⁽¹⁴⁹⁾

On the basis of what has been said above and after reading Lewi Pethrus' writings and those from other Pentecostal teachers who authored eschatological documents in the early period, one must conclude that Darbyistic or dispensational ecclesiology has influenced Pentecostal ecclesiology; this is especially visible in the area of the meaning and significance of the local church. ⁽¹⁵⁰⁾ This will become clear after the following comparison of the prevailing view during the first 15-20 years in the SPM and Darby's view.

Darby talked about a church in ruins. This corrupt situation was due to a leadership that depended more on the denominational decrees than on the Holy Spirit.

The SPM, at the Kölingared Conference in 1919, supported a written document which described the denominational concept as dangerous and producing a self-centered leadership, "leading both individuals and churches away from the dependence on the Lord alone." ⁽¹⁵¹⁾ Both the Brethren and the Swedish Pentecostals decided to isolate themselves from the "professing" church and emphasized sanctification and purity.

Darby mentions that denominationalism results in division and disunity. Lewi Pethrus argued in the book, De kristnas enhet, that "the denomination was a continous cause of division." ⁽¹⁵²⁾

Darby contends that "unity among assemblies must be maintained through a mutual dependency upon the presidency of the Holy Spirit." ⁽¹⁵³⁾ Pethrus holds similar opinions as those of Darby when he refers to Romans 8:21 and argues that those having received the Holy Spirit as a person possess "a wonderful bond of unity." ⁽¹⁵⁴⁾

It is important to know that some of these similitudes were not only advocated by Pentecostals and the Brethren (dispensationalists), but some are also found among Baptists. However, there are too many areas in the SPM's ecclesiology that are a reflection of dispensational ecclesiology in order to say that it is just an accidental occurrence. Pethrus contends that he owes his view of the autonomous church to Durham "and some others." ⁽¹⁵⁵⁾ It is difficult to know who "these others" were, but they might very well have been classic dispensationalists, or persons associated with them, or similar groups where these views were prevailing.

The dispensational view on the church, with its exclusive patterns, can be traced back to the Baptists, to the dissenters in England, and to John Wycliffe. ⁽¹⁵⁶⁾ These movements came into existence as a radical reaction to a dead church. John Darby made a difference between the visible (the professing) and the invisible church (the body of Christ) and taught that the invisible church should leave the professing church (which was in ruin) and live a life in fellowship and love, far away from denominational organization and forms. It is exactly this idea of a free, pure, and unorganized church that the SPM accepted as the biblical doctrine. It is understandable then, that Pethrus, at least in part, reacted the way he did when the Filadelfia church was expelled from the Swedish Baptist Movement in 1913.

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1. See for example, Evangelii Härold, 1926, p. 590, where Lewi Pethrus states: "During the 18 years when the Holy Spirit has ministered powerfully, and touched people in Sweden, this revival has been characterized by the fact that people have understood that Jesus is coming soon."

2. Pethrus states: "För vår del anse vi, att de olika uppfattningarna böra få komma fram och att var och en bereds tillfälle att själv taga ställning i frågan." ("We mean, that we need to consider different points of view, and it is up to everyone to decide on the matter").